Tag: Tragedy

Art, Christian Witness, PNCC, , , ,

Art and Prayer for September 11th

World Trade Center III, Franciszek C. Kulon

Almighty God, by Whom our fathers won their liberties of old; grant that we and all people of this land may be strong to maintain our freedom against the assaults of those who by aggression seek to enslave us to their will. Guide, we beseech Thee, our President and all to whom has been committed the government of this nation, giving them special gifts of wisdom and understanding, that in defense of our liberties they may be instruments of lasting peace for all mankind. Through Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen. — A Prayer for the Nation from A Book of Devotions and Prayers According to the Use of the Polish National Catholic Church.

Christian Witness, Current Events, Poland - Polish - Polonia, , , , ,

Workers Memorial Day

Today is Workers Memorial Day. Take a moment to remember and honor those workers killed and injured on the job. Just this month, 29 miners lost their lives in the West Virginia mining disaster. On average, 16 workers die each day from workplace injuries, 134 are estimated to die from work-related diseases, and thousands more are injured on the job. No one should die from making a living.

Today, I invite you to pray IWJ’s Litany for Workers Memorial Day.

When workers are killed, families are torn apart. When workers are injured, families suffer. On Workers Memorial Day, let us honor not only the workers but also the families they left behind. May the memory of fallen workers inspire us to continue and strengthen the fight for workplace safety.

This year it should also be called to mind that one of those killed in the tragic plane crash that killed many of Poland’s political and civic leaders was Anna Walentynowicz. Ms. Walentynowicz was the labor activist who spoke out for worker rights in communist controlled Poland. For her efforts at organizing workers, and advocating for just and equitable treatment of workers, she was fired from her job. Her firing led to the founding of the free Solidarity Trade Union. Keep her memory in mind today as well.

From The Guardian:

A welder and then a crane operator at the yard, in her youth Walentynowicz was a member of Poland’s Communist party. Appalled, however, by the corruption that she encountered and the suppression of free speech, she became involved in producing and distributing Robotnik Wybrzeza (Coastal Worker), a newspaper which she handed out in the shipyard, even to her Communist bosses.

The trigger for her disaffection with the party was said to be her discovery that one of her bosses had stolen money from her fellow employees and used it to participate in a lottery.

It was not only corruption that incensed her but the gradual realisation that far from helping to make Poland a better place for the people, workers’ rights and freedom of speech were being trampled on.

Despised by the shipyard’s management, later in her working life she would be segregated from other employees for her actions. The crisis would come, however, when the management finally moved against her in August 1980, firing her a few months before she was due to retire.

It was this clumsy action that led to the strike, which occurred in the midst of a period of profound political and economic problems for the Communist regime. The consequence of that action, led by then electrician Lech Walesa, was the emergence of Solidarity and also the Gdansk Agreement, which saw the government give in to the workers’ demands for a new social contract. Within two years the union would have 10 million members.

Also, from New York State’s Labor Department: Rochester Workers Memorial Day Ceremony and Capital District Workers Memorial Day Commemoration.

Poland - Polish - Polonia,

Katyn Memorial Service this Sunday in Buffalo, NY

You may wonder how the recent Polish plane crash in Russia is relevant to our lives in Western New York.

After all, the plane was on its way to the site of a massacre that took place 70 years ago and some 4,500 miles away from Buffalo.

That tragic event, a WWII-era massacre, was part of the Soviet invasion of Poland which included the forced deportation into labor camps of over 1 million Polish citizens, who then became displaced persons, wandering throughout the world looking for a new home.

Many of them finally found a home in places like Buffalo, Chicago, Detroit, Toronto, or New York, changing the face of our communities here and becoming productive citizens in their new homelands. That’s why there is a beautifully sculpted Katyn Memorial plaque in, of all places, Buffalo City Hall.

To learn more about the Katyn massacres and their impact on WNY, please join us in City Hall on Sunday, April 25 at 2 p.m. in front of the plaque. There you will meet descendants of the massacre victims as well as people who were deported to Soviet labor camps. The Oscar-nominated film Katyn will be shown at 4 p.m. in the Market Arcade Film and Arts Centre at 639 Main St.

Click for more information about Sunday’s event, including ticket ability and to RSVP.

Sunday will also be the last opportunity to sign the Book of Condolences that will be sent to the residents of Buffalo’s Sister Polish City Rzeszów on the occasion of the loss of life in the recentl plane crash.

Poland - Polish - Polonia, , ,

Wajda’s Katyn at the Albany PCC

Movie Night at Albany’s Polish Community Center featuring Andzej Wajda’s KATYN, Friday, April 23 at 7:30pm. Admission $4, $2 for students. The Polish Community Center is located at 225 Washington Ave Ext, Albany NY 12205. Call 518-456-3995 for more information.

Certainly its Polish viewers know how it will end, long before they enter the cinema. Katyn, as its title suggests, tells the story of the near-simultaneous Soviet and German invasions of Poland in September 1939, and the Red Army’s subsequent capture, imprisonment, and murder of some 20,000 Polish officers in the forests near the Russian village of Katyn and elsewhere, among them Andrzej Wajda’s father.

The justification for the murder was straightforward. These were Poland’s best-educated and most patriotic soldiers. Many were reservists who as civilians worked as doctors, lawyers, university lecturers, and merchants. They were the intellectual elite who could obstruct the Soviet Union’s plans to absorb and “Sovietize” Poland’s eastern territories. On the advice of his secret police chief, Lavrenty Beria, Stalin ordered them executed.

But the film is about more than the mass murder itself. For decades after it took place, the Katyn massacre was an absolutely forbidden topic in Poland, and therefore the source of a profound, enduring mistrust between the Poles and their Soviet conquerors. Officially, the Soviet Union blamed the murder on the Germans, who discovered one of the mass graves (there were at least three) following the Nazi invasion of Russia in 1941. Soviet prosecutors even repeated this blatant falsehood during the Nuremberg trials and it was echoed by, among others, the British government.

Unofficially, the mass execution was widely assumed to have been committed by the Soviet Union. In Poland, the very word “Katyn” thus evokes not just the murder but the many Soviet falsehoods surrounding the history of World War II and the Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939. Katyn wasn’t a single wartime event, but a series of lies and distortions, told over decades, designed to disguise the reality of the Soviet postwar occupation and Poland’s loss of sovereignty.

Wajda’s movie, as his Polish audiences will immediately understand, is very much the story of “Katyn” in this broader sense. Its opening scene, which Wajda has said he has had in his head for many years, shows a group of refugees heading east, crossing a bridge, fleeing the Wehrmacht. On the bridge, they encounter another group of refugees heading west, fleeing the Red Army. “People, where are you going, turn back!” the two groups shout at one another. Soon afterward, Wajda shows Nazi and Soviet officers conversing in a comradely manner along the new German/Soviet borders as surely they did between 1939, the year they agreed to divide Central Europe between them, and 1941, when Hitler changed his mind about his alliance with Stalin and invaded the USSR. On the bridge, Poland’s existential dilemma – trapped between two totalitarian states – is thus given dramatic form.

Within the notion of “Katyn,” Wajda also includes the story of the father of one of the officers, a professor at the Jagellonian University in Kraków. Asked to attend a meeting by the city’s Nazi leadership, he joins other senior faculty in one of the university’s medieval lecture halls. Instead of holding a discussion, Nazi troops enter, slam the doors, and arrest everyone in the room. The men, many elderly, are forced onto trucks, the officer’s father among them. Later, his widow will learn that he died, along with many of his colleagues, in Sachsenhausen. Some have cited this scene, which is not directly related to the Katyn massacre, as an example of how Wajda tried to put too many themes into a single film. Wajda himself explains elsewhere that he sees it as part of the same story, since this Sonderaktion in Kraków was the German equivalent of the Katyn massacre: an open attack on the Polish intelligentsia, an attempt to destroy the nation’s present and future leadership.

Other stories follow, at a rapid clip. Stories of the wives left behind, many of whom, like Wajda’s mother, didn’t know the fate of their husbands for decades; stories of the men who survived Soviet deportation, and were consumed by guilt; stories of those who tried to accept and adjust to the lie and move on. The film ends with a stunningly brutal, almost unwatchable depiction of the massacre itself. Wajda increases the horror by focusing on the terrible logistics of the murder, which took several weeks and required dozens of people to carry out: the black trucks carrying men from the prison camps to the forest, the enormous ditches, the rounds of ammunition, the bulldozers that pushed dirt onto the mass graves.

Along the way, Wajda also tells stories that echo episodes in his earlier films and in his own life as, once again, he knows, his Polish audience will understand. At one point, one of his characters, Tadeusz, the son of a Katyn victim and a former partisan who has spent the war in the forests files an application to return to his studies. Like Wajda himself at that age, he wants to attend the School of Fine Arts. Told he will have to erase the phrase “father murdered by the Soviets in Katyn” from his biography, Tadeusz refuses, runs out, and tears a pro-Soviet poster down in the street outside. Minutes later, he is discovered and shot in the street by Communist soldiers. Like the hero of Wajda’s 1958 film Ashes and Diamonds, he dies a pointless, postwar death, fighting for a failed cause. But unlike that earlier hero – created for a more cautious and more heavily censored time – he feels no ambivalence about that cause. Unlike Wajda himself, Tadeusz prefers death and truth to a life lived in the shadow of historical falsehood.

To anyone unacquainted with Polish history, some of these stories will seem incomplete, even confusing. Characters appear, disappear, and then appear again, sometimes so briefly that they are hardly more than caricatures. Some of them, most notably the sister who plays the part of a modern Antigone, determined to erect a gravestone to her lost brother, are so laden with symbolism that they don’t feel very realistic. Dialogues are brief, uninformative. Scenes shift from Kraków to Katyn, from the Russian- to the German-occupied zone of Poland. References are made to people and places that are significant to Poles but that will be obscure to everybody else, a phenomenon that helps explain why the film has not, to date, found an English-language distributor. But then, English-language distribution wasn’t one of Wajda’s concerns. This film wasn’t made for the benefit of those who are unacquainted with Polish history.

Since the late 1980s, it has been possible to talk openly about the Katyn massacres in Poland and Russia. Since 1990, when Mikhail Gorbachev first acknowledged Soviet responsibility for Katyn, and 1991, when Boris Yeltsin made public the documents ordering the massacre, it has even been possible to research them in Russian archives. Academic and popular history books on the massacre have now been published in several languages, including Russian. Yale University Press has now translated the most important documents into English, and published them with extensive annotation, background information, and rare photographs, including one taken from a German airplane in 1943. The Polish government has constructed multiple memorial sites, in Warsaw as well as in the Katyn forest itself. When his film came out last fall – on September 17, the sixty-eighth anniversary of the Soviet invasion of Poland – Wajda was asked several times to explain himself. Why Katyn? Why now? One interviewer put it rather brutally: “I didn’t feel a deep need to watch a film about Katyn – why would I? It seems that everything on that subject has already been said.”

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Remembering Katyn, remembering a grandfather and father

From American Public Radio: Remembering Katyn

Across Poland this week, memorial services have been held to honor the dozens of dignitaries who died in last weekend’s plane crash. They were on their way to mark the 70th anniversary of what’s become known as the Katyn Massacre, the killing of over 20,000 Polish officers and intelligentsia at the start of World War II. Anna Wojtowicz’s father perished on that plane. Wojciech Seweryn had devoted his life to building a monument to honor the Polish victims of Katyn, including his own father. His powerful sculpture of a fallen Polish soldier held in the arms of Mary sits at the entrance to St. Adalbert Cemetary in Niles, Ill. Anna talks with Dick about the importance of remembering all that her dad and her grandfather stood for…

The podcast of the interview is here.

Poland - Polish - Polonia

Reflecting on those who do the work

From The Telegraph: Polish plane crash: country has shown resilience since President Kaczynski’s death

For Anne Applebaum, the crash that killed the Polish president Lech Kaczynski and his entourage was a personal tragedy as well as a blow for Poland. But she believes the country is emerging stronger.

By the time I met Ryszard Kaczorowski, he was an elegant, elderly man, with no air of tragedy or trauma about him. Yet at the age of 21, he had been arrested by the Soviet secret police —“ this was 1940, in Soviet-occupied Bialystok —“ and sent to Kolyma, one of the worst camps of the Gulag.

Kaczorowski’s story helps explain why Poles have been so traumatised since last Saturday’s plane crash near the Katyn forest, why air raid sirens wailed at 8.56 on Saturday morning, marking a week since that fatal moment, why at least 100,000 people came to Saturday’s public memorial service in Warsaw – and why more are expected to converge on Krakow on Sunday, despite the clouds of volcanic ash drifting across Europe.

Though sentenced to 10 years forced labour, Kaczorowski never served his whole term. In 1941 Hitler invaded the USSR, and Stalin decided to allow the hundreds of thousands of Poles in his labour camps to form an army. Kaczorowski marched out of the USSR under the command of General Wladyslaw Anders, travelled through Persia and Palestine, and fought at Monte Cassino in Italy.

After the war, Kaczorowski did not go home. Like many others in what became known as Anders’ Army, he stayed in London, not wanting to return to a Soviet-dominated Poland. But he maintained ties with the Polish government-in-exile, a group of men who had been Britain’s allies during the war, but who quickly turned into an embarrassment afterwards.

Following the Soviet occupation of Poland, these “London Poles” became irrelevant: Britain, like every other country in the world, recognised the new communist government as legitimate, not them.

Nevertheless, the government-in-exile remained in place, symbolically preserving the memory of free Poland. In 1986, Kaczorowski accepted the honorary post of president-in-exile. He held that title until 1990, when he transferred the insignia of office to Lech Walesa.

Last weekend, Kaczorowski died in the plane crash that also killed the Polish president, Lech Kaczynski. Both were on their way to honour the 20,000 Polish officers murdered by Stalin in the Katyn forest and at other places nearby. That act of mass terror, which took place 70 years ago this month, could easily have killed Kaczorowski too. He did not escape death in Russia a second time.

Contrary to some reports, there was not an unusual number of VIPs on board, given that it was the president’s plane, and given where it was going, and there were no members of the cabinet. Nevertheless, there were many people whose names appear halfway through newspaper articles, people whom “everybody knows” in political circles – people like Ryszard Kaczorowski who had played important symbolic roles in public life, people who do the groundwork for the politicians whose names are more familiar.

I knew or had met about a dozen people on the plane. My husband —“ the Polish foreign minister, Radek Sikorski – knew almost all of them, stewardesses included. Among them were people like Stanislaw Komorowski, the deputy defence minister and former ambassador to London. He recently negotiated a defence treaty with the United States, and he also laid the diplomatic groundwork for Poland’s presence in Afghanistan. I last saw him a few weeks ago at the opera, with his wife.

Andrzej Kremer, my husband’s deputy, was also on the plane. Kremer helped organise the joint visit of the Russian prime minister, Vladimir Putin, and the Polish prime minister, Donald Tusk, to Katyn 11 days ago, just shortly before the President was due to visit. I met him several times at dinners and parties.

Another passenger was Andrzej Przewoznik, whose job it was to look after Polish cemeteries and monuments in places where awful things had happened.

The Katyn memorial, being the most awful of them all, was his organisation’s responsibility. I saw him recently at a conference in Budapest, where he explained his work to a crowd of Hungarians.

All of these people were civil servants, politicians and public activists, the sorts of professional who, in both Anglo-Saxon and Polish political culture, do not always receive much respect. We make fun of them (Yes, Minister) or we investigate them, usually starting from the assumption that they have something to hide.

Yet when a large group of them tragically die, one suddenly realises how much, as group, they had accomplished, and how valuable to the nation they are. Not only Komorowski, Kremer and Przewoznik, but also Arkadiusz Rybicki, the MP who fought for a better understanding of autistic children; General Franciszek Gagor, who prepared the Polish army for Nato accession; Janusz Kochanowski, the ombudsman for civil rights. These men and women were working hard on behalf of the country, and not necessarily gaining much money or glory in recompense.

The loss of such people —“ and so many of them, all it once —“ explains part of why Poland has been in deep mourning since the plane crash last weekend…

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Praying for the dead in Bethlehem, PA

From The Morning Call: Polish church in Bethlehem holds service in memory of plane crash victims

 

From the ashes of tragedy, the Polish people might well rekindle the sense of solidarity they lost in the years since uniting to throw off the yoke of Soviet control, the Rev. Bogdan Jurczyszyn believes.

Jurczyszyn celebrated a special Mass Sunday at Our Lord’s Ascension, a Polish National Catholic Church in Bethlehem, to honor Polish President Lech Kaczynski, his wife and 94 others — largely high-ranking officials — who died April 10 in a plane crash in Russia.

”The government was divided, there were a lot of parties and they make trouble, you know,” Jurczyszyn said before the Mass. ”But this event changed most in the government and they are ready to talk and unite the parties and move forward if the decision is good for the country.”

The service began with the blessing of the Polish flag, which was carried by Hank Kudzik, the son of Polish immigrants and a World War II submariner who lives in Allen Township. Jurczyszyn led about 20 people in Polish prayers and hymns but gave the homily in English.

In searching for meaning to the tragedy, Jurczyszyn said before the service that he was heartened by Russia’s response to Poland’s loss. The two nations have had a tense relationship for years but Russian leaders have reached out to their grieving neighbor.

Kaczynski and the Polish delegation were on their way to a service commemorating the 1940 Soviet massacre of about 22,000 Polish officers and civilians in Katyn, Russia, during World War II. Jurczyszyn hopes Russia will open its archives to the Polish people so they can learn more about what happened to their countrymen at Katyn.

”Looking at Russia right now, we see very positive movements,” said Jurczyszyn, whose wife, Anna, is Russian.

Losing half of a government in an instant would test any country, much less a young democracy like Poland’s. But Jurczyszyn said so far Poles have passed that test, keeping the peace and responding with a renewed purpose.

Contributing to Jurczyszyn’s optimism is the fact that he once had the new acting president of Poland, Bronislaw Komorowski, for a high school history teacher and has faith in him as leader.

”He never used the book, only his head, you know,” the priest said. ”Every class with him was so interesting.”

Attending the Mass, Karen Amate of Northampton said she came to honor the Polish people and show support for Jurczyszyn.

”I haven’t been to a Polish Mass in a long time,” said Amate, whose father was a Polish immigrant. ”When I hear it, it brings back memories of growing up and it does remind me of our heritage.”

That was true too for Bethlehem resident Nicolette Stavrovsky, who grew up in the church and learned some Polish from performing songs in traditional costumes as a child in a church group called The Children of Mary.

”As you get older, you appreciate the traditions more,” she said.

Daniel Broczkowski of Bethlehem, whose grandfather was a founding member of the parish in 1927, said his family’s ”love for Poland and our sympathy for the Polish people are deep rooted.”

The sudden loss of so many government leaders is almost unimaginable, he said. ”It’s hard to fathom that in America and have the country go on. It would certainly be a blow aÂ… to the spirit of the country and make people look to each other and say, ‘How do we go on from here?”’

Poland - Polish - Polonia

Watching

Today’s Funeral service from St. Mary’s Basilica and Wawel via TV Polonia. Purple vestments as appropriate. The glory of faithful Poland.

  • A large contingent of political and religious leaders despite the dangers presented by the ash cloud.
  • Processional to Mozarts Requiem.
  • The deacon did a beautiful job chanting the Gospel. The music – beautiful and sentimental.
  • Changing of the guard prior to the homily.
  • Scanning the crowd in the Market Square (Rynek Główny) in Kraków. Soldiers, scouts, clergy, the leadership from the Jagiellonian University in academic regalia, ludzie góralskie (a contingent of mountaineers), the entire people of Poland.
  • The Creed and petitions. The petitions were offered in Polish, English, Russian, and French.
  • Changing of the guard.
  • Offertory and an Easter Hymn – Otrzyjcie już łzy płaczący.
  • Preface and Canon
  • At the Canon, the leadership of Poland’s interim government kneeling on the floor.
  • Commemorating the B.V. Mary, the Martyrs, St. Stanisław and Adalbert
  • Lord, I am not worthy that Thou shouldst enter under my roof…
  • …and no “communion in the hand.”
  • Post communion hymn – Zwycięzca śmierci. From the grave on the morning of the third day. Alleluia! The grave will not hold Him. Pan zmartwychwstał! He stood up from death.
  • Boże, coś Polskę
  • The Acting President of Poland, Pan Bronisław Komorowski – ‘St. Mary’s, witness to Poland’s moments of greatness and tragedy…’
  • The head of NSZZ Solidarność, Janusz Śniadek, speaking – heartfelt. “Lechu, my dear friend…” “There is no solidarity without love.” “Without solidarity we will not have a better world.”
  • The Primate of Poland, Archbishop Henryk Józef Muszyński speaking.
  • Archbishop of Warsawa, Kazimierz Nycz, conducts the commendation (in the PNCC the absolution of the dead).
  • In Slavonic by, I believe by Metropoloitan Sawa (not sure). I think rather Bishop Wlodzimierz (Juszczak), Greek Catholic Eparch of Wrocław and Gdańsk.
  • Recessional and awaiting transfer of the bodies to the crypt in Wawel. Archbishop Stanisław Dziwisz has changed to a purple cope.
  • The bishops process before the two gun carriages carrying the bodies.
  • The crowd breaks out into the national anthem.
  • Notice the blue and white flags – the colors of Kraków.
  • The bells at Wawel have begun to ring, including the tolling of the Royal Sigismund Bell (Dzwon Zygmunta).
  • Outside the Cathedral Basilica of ŚŚw. Stanisław and Wacław.
  • Entering.
  • I am the resurrection and the life… Let us pray for our brother and sister…
  • Our Father…
  • Removal of the bodies to the crypt at Wawel.

Wieczne odpoczynek racz im dać Panie, a światłość wiekuista niechaj im świeci.
Niech odpoczywają w pokoju, Amen.

Eternal rest grant unto them O Lord and may the perpetual light shine upon them.
May their soul and the souls of all the faithful departed rest in peace. Amen.

Current Events, Poland - Polish - Polonia, Political, , ,

The undelivered speech of President Kaczyński

Dear Representatives of the Katyn Families. Ladies and Gentlemen.

In April 1940 over twenty-one thousand Polish prisoners from the NKVD camps and prisons were killed. The genocide was committed at Stalin’s will and at the Soviet Union’s highest authority’s command.

The alliance between the Third Reich and the Soviet Union, the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact and the Soviet attack on Poland on 17 September 1939 reached a terrifying climax in the Katyn massacre. Not only in the Katyn forest, but also in Tver, Kcharkiv and other known, and unknown, execution sites citizens of the Second Republic of Poland, people who formed the foundation of our statehood, who adamantly served the motherland, were killed.

At the same time families of the murdered and thousands of citizens of the eastern territory of the pre-war Poland were sent into exile deep into the Soviet Union, where their indescribable suffering marked the path of the Polish Golgotha of the East.

The most tragic station on that path was Katyn. Polish officers, priests, officials, police officers, border and prison guards were killed without a trial or sentence. They fell victims to an unspeakable war. Their murder was a violation of the rights and conventions of the civilized world. Their dignity as soldiers, Poles and people, was insulted. Pits of death were supposed to hide the bodies of the murdered and the truth about the crime for ever.

The world was supposed to never find out. The families of the victims were deprived of the right to mourn publicly, to proudly commemorate their relatives. Ground covered the traces of crime and the lie was supposed to erase it from people’s memory.

An attempt to hide the truth about Katyn —“ a result of a decision taken by those who masterminded the crime —“ became one of the foundations of the communists’ policy in an after-war Poland: a founding lie of the People’s Republic of Poland.

It was the time when people had to pay a high price for knowing and remembering the truth about Katyn. However, the relatives of the murdered and other courageous people kept the memory, defended it and passed it on to next generations of Poles. They managed to preserve the memory of Katyn in the times of communism and spread it in the times of free and independent Poland. Therefore, we owe respect and gratitude to all of them, especially to the Katyn Families. On behalf of the Polish state, I offer sincere thanks to you, that by defending the memory of your relatives you managed to save a highly important dimension of our Polish consciousness and identity.

Katyn became a painful wound of Polish history, which poisoned relations between Poles and Russians for decades. Let’s make the Katyn wound finally heal and cicatrize. We are already on the way to do it. We, Poles, appreciate what Russians have done in the past years. We should follow the path which brings our nations closer, we should not stop or go back.

All circumstances of the Katyn crime need to be investigated and revealed. It is important that innocence of the victims is officially confirmed and that all files concerning the crime are open so that the Katyn lie could disappear for ever. We demand it, first of all, for the sake of the memory of the victims and respect for their families’ suffering. We also demand it in the name of common values, which are necessary to form a foundation of trust and partnership between the neighbouring nations in the whole Europe.

Let’s pay homage to the murdered and pray upon their bodies.

Glory to the Heroes!

Hail their memory!